I am very pleased to be back in Kabul after almost five months. Today I conclude my five day visit together with my Political Advisor Ms Jennie Gren, kindly hosted and accompanied by our recently arrived EU Chief of Mission to Afghanistan, Ms Raffaella Iodice and her team. I would like to thank everybody who took the time to see us for stimulating talks – not always easy but always genuine – and for traditional Afghan hospitality.

The purpose of our visit is to listen to and discuss with a broad range of Afghans and international partners, including talks with representatives of the de facto authorities, based on our five benchmarks and non-recognition. We wish to send a clear signal of our continued EU support and commitment to the people of Afghanistan – the vast majority inside the country as well as Afghans abroad. And we aim to collect observations and impressions to report back to HRVP Borrell, EU Member States, the European Commission, and the European Parliament.

During our visit we met with:

• Representatives of the Diplomatic community from neighbouring and partner countries, UN agencies and ECHO colleagues
• Acting Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Education, Justice, and Information and Culture
• Women activists and Civil society representatives
• Former judges and legal experts from the Ministry of Justice
• Private sector representatives
• Former President Karzai

We paid a visit to the Emergency hospital and met with staff and with children survivors from the attack last Friday against the Kaaj Educational Centre in Kabul.

And we conclude our visit today by speaking to Afghan and foreign journalists and by this briefing for the media.

Observations

1. We have been reminded by many that there is a harsh winter ahead. It has often been said, and it is true, that humanitarian assistance is not enough. But there is also not enough humanitarian assistance. Despite generous donations by taxpayers and governments, including 300M euros by the European Union, the UN humanitarian appeal for Afghanistan remains grossly underfunded. I welcome the recent pledge by the United States and call on others, including China, Russia and the OIC, to step up their support significantly. Meanwhile, the de facto authorities throughout the country must refrain from attempts to interfere in or control the delivery of humanitarian assistance while instead ensuring humanitarian access and full respect for International Humanitarian Law.

2. At the same time, humanitarian assistance at current levels – which are much higher than before 15 August last year – is unlikely to be sustainable. There is a need to stabilise the economy and provide opportunities for Afghan men and women to employment.

UN sanctions against individual members of the Taliban, including several acting Ministers, do play a role. Despite efforts by the UNSC and by the United States to give assurances to international banks and companies to allow for legal financial transactions with Afghanistan there is a tendency among international financial institutions to over-comply with the sanctions, which makes it difficult to transfer money into our out of Afghanistan. And foreign currency reserves of the Afghan Central Bank remain frozen abroad. The EU is contributing to solutions by providing assistance – more than 300 M euros to address basic needs in education and health and to provide livelihoods. Together with the humanitarian assistance, this means that the EU is providing more than 600 M euros to the people of Afghanistan, since August 2021.

But there are also many areas for which the de facto authorities alone are responsible and where they need to take action. The Taliban need to focus on the economic crisis and to create an enabling environment for greater investment. In the short term they could look favourably on proposals made by the UN to facilitate the access of Afghan companies to foreign currency through a humanitarian exchange facility. They could take concrete steps to reassure Afghans and the international community about the independence of the Afghan Central Bank and its capacity to prevent money laundering and the financing of terrorism. They could provide legal clarity and a functioning court system. They could promote job opportunities for women rather than restricting their ability to work. The mahram requirements imposed by the de facto authorities not only restrict the ability of women to work and contribute to the economy but in some cases also impact on men who will have to spend time accompanying their wives or daughters instead of working. And they should ensure that schools open throughout the country for boys and girls, young women and men, to prepare the next generation of Afghanistan – who can become the first Afghan generation in four decades not to experience insurgency or war. We welcome the fact that universities are open, despite many challenges. But if secondary schools remain closed for girls, and with limited enrolment for boys, there will soon not be any students who can enrol for higher education. And a few years later there will not be the engineers, accountants, architects, teachers, midwifes, nurses and doctors to build and sustain a future Afghanistan.

3. The human rights situation remains bleak and in some areas it is rapidly deteriorating. I welcome the substantial reports on human rights issued by UNAMA in July and by SR Richard Bennett last month. At the Human Rights Council in Geneva, the EU highlighted violations and abuses of international humanitarian law, expressed concern about shrinking space for civil society and recalled EU’s commitment to full, equal and meaningful participation of women and girls in all spheres of life in Afghanistan. We also pointed to unacceptable violations of the rights of ethnic and religious communities, LGBTI persons, human rights defenders, journalists and media workers.

We are appalled by the staggering regression in women’s and girls’ enjoyment of their rights since the Taliban took power – including their right to education, to work and to participate in social and political life. The concerns I have previously expressed about an increase in domestic violence, and limited opportunities for women to seek protection, remain.

The rights of minorities, and in particular the Hazaras, is a second area of particular concern. We hear and receive reports about arbitrary arrests, torture, summary executions and enforced disappearances. The attack against the Kaaj educational centre in Kabul last Friday is one more in the row of systematic attacks against Hazaras, which as Mr Bennett states, bear hallmarks of international crimes including crimes against humanity. The de facto authorise have an obligation to protect all Afghans against such attacks.

A third area of major concern is the severe restrictions imposed and implemented by the de facto authorities that limit the access to information and freedom of expression. While the closing of many media outlets is partly caused by economic factors and journalists leaving or fleeing the country, intimidation of journalists and censorship, as well as the restrictions on female journalists’ employment or appearance on TV, are entirely the responsibility of the de facto authorities.

4. The presence of Al Qaida leader al-Zawahiri in central Kabul, before he was killed in a US drone attack this summer, is a clear example of the failure by the Taliban to meet their counter-terrorism commitments. Preventing Afghan soil from being used to plan or carry out attacks against other countries is, needless to say, not only a commitment made in the agreement between the Taliban and the United States, but also an obligation under international law.

Afghanistan has recently witnessed an increase in terrorist attacks inside the country, largely affecting civilians, at schools, at places of worship, in the street – with at least two major attacks inside Kabul during the last week.

The de facto authorities must demonstrate through credible action, while respecting human rights, that they are able to protect the people of Afghanistan, including minorities, from such attacks, while bringing perpetrator to justice through due process. They must also brake the links with terrorist groups and prevent them from threatening other countries in the region and beyond.

5. The EU, the UN, the neighbours of Afghanistan and international partners all call on the Taliban to allow for an inclusive government. In this area, I see little progress at national level but rather a trend of further exclusion of women, minorities and political opponents and increased repression. We remain convinced that inclusivity is a necessary condition for continued peace and for the long-term stability of Afghanistan, at peace with itself and with its neighbours. We do see signs of growing pluralism within the Taliban movement, which could be encouraging, with more pragmatic elements apparently seeing the need to pay more attention to the people of Afghanistan – in terms of meeting some of their expectations including their need for jobs and services. At provincial and local level, we also hear that dialogue is taking place between de facto representatives and the people. Successful attempts are being made, in some places, to seek practical solutions to day-to-day problems. Perhaps these are embryos of something bigger?

Some of our interlocutors have also expressed their wish for an Afghan reconciliation dialogue, initiated within the country and focusing on the youth but also bringing in Afghans living abroad. I think such a process is desperately needed and that it could offer a way forward, not replacing discussions about a future governance system, but perhaps preparing for it. The obstacles will be many, but the risks of not trying would, in my view, be greater. But only Afghans will know whether or not the time is ripe for this.

6. We also remain committed to continued EU engagement. While many Afghans outside the country are critical about our engagement with the de facto authorities, and I respect their opinion, all Afghans we have spoken to during our mission have underlined that dialogue remains necessary. I know of course that also within the country some Afghans have opted for another path. In our conversations with the de facto authorities, both sides have confirmed our interest in keeping the door open for dialogue. It is, at times, frustrating – probably on both sides – that we cannot make more substantial progress, and the hate messages I receive for doing this may be annoying. But I remain convinced that closing doors is not a better alternative. Social media are useful, but a tweet can never replace a real conversation. And reality is more complex and multi-faceted than what can be captured in 280 characters.

7. The EU also remains committed to keeping Afghanistan on the international agenda. Yet, Afghanistan may be the Heart of Asia but it will not always be the central focus of the world. We need patience. But I also urge the de facto authorities to realise that time is short and the window of opportunity may be closing. I am not only referring to the harsh winter ahead. I am also referring to the not unlimited patience of Afghans, neighbours and the international community at large with a self-appointed interim government that does not live up to neither the promises it has made or, in many respects, its obligations towards the people of Afghanistan and to the international community from which it expects engagement, the lifting of sanctions, unfreezing of foreign reserves, support, a place at the UN, and recognition. This is not a threat. It is a reminder that they also need to take action. Our commitment to the people of Afghanistan should be a shared one, and a good place from which to start.