Foreign Affairs Council: Press conference by High Representative Kaja Kallas
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Good afternoon, everybody. We just concluded a very productive Foreign Affairs Council.
First, we had a breakfast on Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference. Exposing disinformation is necessary. Disrupting the machinery behind is essential.
The EU is taking concrete action. We have expanded our counter disinformation training to 65 countries. We have taken down dozens of websites and hundreds of ads linked to Russian mercenary recruitment network in Africa, and we successfully helped Armenia counter foreign interference ahead of its June elections.
As next steps, we are proposing 100 new sanctions listings targeting Russia's FIMI infrastructure. We will also explore closer cooperation with like-minded partners with whom we have Security and Defence Partnerships.
On Georgia, democratic backsliding there is worsening. More opposition parties face bans, and the Foreign Agents Law is suffocating civil society. The Georgian people want a European future, but Georgian Dream is systematically taking it away from them. Our current approach is not generating sufficient pressure for change, nor is it allowing us to fully pursue European strategic interests. We will revert to this topic in January.
Ministers also discussed the security impact on an enlarged Union. Enlargement has been the EU's most successful foreign policy tool for decades. It is not just about making the EU bigger; it is about making Europe safer and also stronger geopolitically.
Many candidate countries already significantly contribute to our security. Ukraine, of course, is Europe's first line of defense against Russian aggression. Moldova and our Western Balkan partners contribute to EU Missions and Operations. Today, Ministers agreed to deepen security and defence cooperation with candidate countries based on their progress and alignment with the EU. This means integrating them into European defence frameworks, expanding joint defence production, and making better use of our Security and Defence Partnerships.
Enlargement is an investment in Europe's security and geopolitical power.
Turning now to Russia's war against Ukraine, in the past week alone, Russian strikes killed more than 150 Ukrainian civilians. Russia struck Kyiv's bridges, Black Sea grain ships, hit power stations, and bombed Kyiv's National Academy of Sciences. These are not the actions of a country seeking peace.
There was support today among Ministers for truce on striking energy infrastructure between Ukraine and Russia, provided Moscow adheres to it. But ceasefire cannot work only if one party honors it.
There is a clear understanding that now is not the time to ease pressure on Moscow, and that is why today Ministers adopted nearly 1,600 new sanctions listings targeting Russia's military-industrial complex. This is the single largest expansion of our sanctions list since Russia's war started. Europe has shown a united front today.
More than half target the production chain for ballistic missiles. We are making it significantly harder, slower, and more expensive for Russia to produce weapons it uses to kill Ukrainians.
Ministers also approved 77 listings against those participating in the sham vote in occupied Ukrainian territories, and several listings linked to cooperation with North Korea.
Pressure on Moscow, not concessions, is the fastest way to end the war.
With Minister Sybiha, we assessed the latest developments and Ukraine's most pressing need, and of course, air defence remains the priority. And this week we will provide further funding for drones and missiles.
I am also very glad that Ukraine today passed the necessary laws to open two enlargement clusters tomorrow. Ukraine's future is in the EU, and we heard also from the Member States that tomorrow things should go smoothly.
On Russia's escalating hybrid attacks and our collective response, Ministers were clear that we need to approach this issue in a comprehensive way, rather than react to individual incidents. On top of our list are, first, more sanctions, including the 22nd sanctions package. Second, more sanctions enforcement. Third, stronger actions against the shadow fleet. Fourth, attribution of hybrid attacks, and fifth, better intelligence sharing.
Ministers also focused on Ukraine's financing gap for 2027, and many mentioned Russian frozen assets in this context.
One important element is to reduce the security risks inside our borders. That is why we were discussing also the issues regarding hybrid attacks. Restricting the movement of Russian diplomats, reducing the number of Russian tourist visas, and working on a swift implementation of the entry ban for former Russian ex-combatants is crucial. When it comes to our collective response, we need a mechanism to consult and to act rapidly, and this is why we will propose the Emergency Security Protocol as part of our European Security Strategy. This must come with a set of ready-to-deploy response tools.
Ministers also discussed preventing the return of Russian and Belarusian athletes to international sporting competitions. We face a similar situation in the cultural sphere. Sports and culture must not become vehicles for whitewashing Russian aggression. Based on today's discussion, my services together with the Commission, will put forward proposals on how to sustain Russia's isolation in global sports. This can go in parallel with further sanctions on those destroying Ukrainian cultural heritage.
On the International Criminal Court, I spoke with the ICC President Akane following the U.S. sanctions announcement. The six-month period before the U.S. measures takes effect offers a window of dialogue. The EU has options to ensure that the Court can continue its vital work, and we were discussing this with the Ministers. Member States were clear: they are serious about protecting the Court.
Now, turning to the Middle East. The Houthi attacks on Riyadh Airport were appalling acts of terror. There can be no justification for indiscriminate attacks on civilian infrastructure. Yesterday, I also conveyed my condolences to Saudi Foreign Minister, Prince Faisal, and exchanged views on the situation. In the Red Sea, escort operations by Operation ASPIDES are becoming even more crucial given the Houthis' dangerous escalation. I welcome the additional ships recently offered by the Member States, but it is also clear that we need more. Keeping the Red Sea open is in Europe's strategic interest.
International waters, the arteries of our economy, must remain open to everyone, not whoever can pay. Today, over 60 countries pledged to oppose tolls and fees on international shipping routes. I launched the "No Tolls, No Fees" pledge before summer, and now we have had a serious commitment from around the world on this. I want to thank all the countries who signed up to this pledge, and of course invite also others to join in. We will release the declaration after this press conference.
Then, on Palestine, Ministers regretted the postponement of Palestinian elections. Palestinian legislative and presidential elections should take place as soon as possible. The EU remains ready to support the process, including through our EU Election Observation Mission. After 20 years without the legislative vote, Palestinian institutions need renewed legitimacy.
Ministers today also approved the new EU Support Mission in Lebanon. It will support Lebanon's authorities in strengthening territorial control, border security, and internal security capabilities. And this marks a major upgrade in our security relationship. We aim to have the Mission ready and operational within the coming months.
Finally, Ministers also extended the mandate of the Advisory Mission in Iraq by two years. The Mission will continue to support Iraq in countering terrorism and organised crime. As others pull out, we keep our presence on the ground.
We also spoke about many other topics, but that is already a lot. So, I am ready to take your questions.
Q&A
Q. Just if you could put these close to 1,600 listings on the sanctions list in perspective today, one could characterise these listings as a sign of strength, because it is the highest number ever, and yet on the other hand, it is not really a new sanctions package as it has been reported today. It is an expansion of the listings. So how would you say this compares in its effect to other packages or other sanctions measures that have been done?
We have to use all the tools that we have. So, that is why this is the strongest package of listings we have adopted so far. Of course, it is complementing already the sanctions packages we have done, and it does not really substitute the work that we need to do with the 22nd sanctions package, and the work is continuing. So, we push this also forward. It is clear that at this time we need more pressure on Russia and not sending signals that we are easing up somehow, because they are actually killing more civilians than they have ever done. They are really escalating on the ground, and that is why it is time for no concessions. But it is actually time to step up the pressure.
Q. My question is basically about timings. We have had a few times now these discussions about the Russian immobilised assets and the various types of ban on Russians traveling or getting visas for the EU, but I am wondering how soon can we start talking about this in terms of a written plan and proposal that that ministers engage with, amend, and hopefully or maybe pass.
First, on the visas and ex-combatants ban. Of course, the work is going to continue. But what the Ministers expressed around the table was political support for this. Of course, there are technicalities because these things also need to work in practice. How in practice, the check of whether a person has been combatant or not, how does that work in practice? But right now the most important thing is the political messaging, that the political agreement is there. We just need to work out the technicalities. When it comes to the frozen assets, then because of the gap in financing that Ukraine is facing, the difficult times ahead, also because we do not see any signs from Russia that they are contemplating any kind of peace at the moment, so we need to help Ukraine to survive. Which means that the questions come where does this money come from? And the most logical is that Russia should pay for the damages that they are causing, and that is why also the frozen assets are back on the table. I think this discussion will continue because eventually it is about sharing the risks between Member States. But it is important that it is not off the table. We are thinking about different tools to fill that financing gap.
Q. Were today especially the latest drone attacks in the exclusive economic zones of Bulgaria and Romania discussed, can [you] give some details and or will [there] be proposed sanctions regarding sanctions for these attacks?
Yes, we were also discussing the situation in the Black Sea, and, of course, in this regard, also the initiatives that we had during the United Nations General Assembly regarding the Black Sea grain. There, I think the call for Russia to stop the attacks on the shipping because it also affects the Asian and African also Latin American countries when it comes to the grain. Now, on these hybrid attacks that also concern our Member States, the discussion was about the toolbox that we have, and that is why also the proposal of this Emergency Security Protocol that would have this political level, discussion level, but also the tools that Member States then can use, because we need to be more effective in order to deter these kinds of attacks also coming to our Member States’ territories.
Q. My question is on something that you mentioned this morning in your doorstep. You said that so far, by the sanctions, Russia has been or had been deprived by around 1 trillion euros. Little after that, we heard the French Foreign Minister say it is 500 billion, which is still quite a difference. Could you please explain how you came up with this number and how it is calculated?
This number is based on the intelligence services account that I do not know exactly how it is counted, but we will definitely share this information with other Member States that the numbers are all correct.
Q. Two points. One is on ASPIDES. You said that you welcome more ships provided by the Member States. Actually, we have knowledge of two. One probably with severe limits of what the ships can do once it gets into the area. So, my question is: are you hopeful that more Member States will come up with offers? Is there any indications that other Member States are ready to step up? And secondly, my point is on Ukraine. I want to say here, General Grynkewich in Warsaw offered his theory of victory - or the theory of victory of NATO. I would like to ask you what is your theory of victory on behalf of the EU regarding to Russia.
First on ASPIDES, we need at least 10 ships, and we are not there. But today, we also heard from a few Member States that the discussion is ongoing because of the procedures within the Member States. I hope that this will materialise in ships that this Operation actually needs. Because if we want to be a credible security provider in the region then we need to have a credible mission, and for that we need more ships. And that was also the ask from the Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia yesterday.
Now, on your other question, I was stuck in the meeting, so I have no clue what SACEUR said [on] what is the theory of victory. But it is mostly up to the Ukrainians to define how victory looks like. For us, I think it is very important that we also set victory as a goal which means that Russia cannot win this war because then we will have more of it. We cannot let Ukraine surrender to the pressure that they are currently under because then aggression just pays off. But it is eventually up to the Ukrainians to decide. I think the most important thing right now is that Ukraine survives.
Q. We have on one hand the situation that it is getting increasingly hard to agree on new sanctions in Europe. On the other hand, we have actions from the American administration that are going in the direction of decreasing pressure on Russia. So, how can you convince the United States to collaborate, cooperate more on that part with Europe? For example, to use the Graham law to pressure Russia.
Today, when we just agreed [on] 1,600 listings, I think it is harder to argue that it is increasingly hard to agree on new sanctions. It is not true. We showed unity today on these listings. But of course, it would be much stronger if we would act together with the US. Our message is to the United States is also that only pressure works with Russia. Why they are doing these deals and easing up the pressure on Russia, so we see how Russia replies to this: with more attacks and actually increasing escalation. So, it clearly does not work. Every time we are together with the United States, UK, and our other like-minded partners, the sanctions have much bigger effect, and that is why we are also hopeful that this Graham Bill will be put into action to finally pressure Russia to stop this war.