Foreign Affairs Council: Remarks by High Representative Kaja Kallas at the press conference
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We have just concluded a long meeting of Foreign Ministers.
First on Ukraine. We started with breakfast, where together with Ireland, we co-hosted a session on the fate of Ukrainian civilian detainees. Thousands are being held illegally in Russian prisons, including in Russian occupied territories in Ukraine. The evidence of torture, sexual violence, and complete denial of due process is overwhelming.
Testimonies we heard today were a powerful reminder that behind every statistic is a human life. And on the territories that we are talking about in the peace process, also it is a question of human fate.
The EU continues to pursue accountability. Ministers adopted sanctions targeting Russia's prison system and agreed to increase support to the NGOs helping victims and their families. We also launched a new informal group to coordinate international action for their release.
Together with Minister Sybiha, we discussed the battlefield situation and strengthening Ukraine's energy resilience. Next winter, Russia is likely to strike Ukrainian power grid again, so we are preparing. Ukraine needs generators, spare parts, and funding for repairs. Air defence also remains a priority, and I call on those Member States who have stocks to make them available to Ukraine. The United States decision to let Kyiv produce Patriot missiles under license is a positive step, even if it takes time. Today was the ninth time in a row that the Foreign Affairs Council imposed new sanctions on Russia. We are sanctioning Russia at unprecedented speed and scale.
Today's measures, together with the upcoming 21st sanctions package, hold over 250 listings. This constitutes our biggest round of individual sanctions since Russia's 2022 invasion. The financial backbone of Russia's war machine is the main target.
I want to single out one issue specifically: Russian cyber-attacks are increasing in scale and severity. For the first time, the EU and the UK simultaneously sanctioned the broader ecosystem that enables these attacks, including criminals, hacktivists, and companies operating on Moscow's behest.
This is the largest EU cyber sanctions package ever adopted. The EU will also summon a Russian representative to the European Union over Moscow's cyber campaign.
Reducing Russia's capacity to wage war is one thing; preventing it from being shrugged off as normal is another. The International Olympic Committee's decision to invite Russian athletes back to international competitions is blind to reality. Ministers strongly condemn such decision, as it coincides with Russia killing record number of Ukrainian civilians. So, it looks like International Olympic Committee is rewarding such attacks. The Commission is ending the funding to Venice Biennale. Culture and support must not become vehicles of whitewashing aggression. Ministers also reviewed the EU Black Sea strategy. Since launch last year, the EU has initiated 65 projects worth around €200 million across the region. The Black Sea Maritime Security Hub, led by Romania and Bulgaria together, will help enhance maritime situational awareness and protection of critical infrastructure. We also put forward ambitious connectivity agenda worth billions.
Both Armenia and Moldova face external coercion. Last week, the EU announced a major economic support package for Armenia to help counter Russian pressure. Ministers today gave a go-ahead for a new EU mission to begin its work on the ground. EU experts will support the Armenian authorities in dealing with the cyber threats, disinformation, and countering illicit financial flows.
Ministers also adopted an additional €120 million under the European Peace Facility for Moldova. This is the biggest support package to date and will strengthen the country's air defences.
On the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus raised Türkiye's plan for a gas pipeline with the island. The EU expects Ankara to respect the sovereignty and sovereign rights of all EU Member States.
The wider Middle East is stuck in a dangerous cycle of attacks, counterattacks, and fragile ceasefire. Iran strikes on commercial shipping violate international law and the Memorandum of Understanding.
Before the war, the Strait of Hormuz was open to shipping without tolls. After the end of the war, the Strait must be open to shipping without tolls. Ministers were clear that navigation must be unimpeded, and Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Our Gulf partners play a vital role in regional stability, and it was good to be joined by GCC representatives.
Iran's attacks against Jordan, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain are unacceptable and risk a total collapse of the peace deal - or interim peace deal.
The EU seeks closer ties with the Gulf. Last night, the EU and Bahrain launched negotiations of new strategic partnership agreement. With the GCC partners, we discussed the latest development and how we can protect the freedom of navigation both in the Gulf, but also in the Red Sea.
The Houthi threat persists, and Operation ASPIDES continues to make an important contribution to protect international shipping. This week, in the coming days, I will also travel to the region to inspect the [Operation] myself. In Gaza, the peace process has stalled. Yesterday, I had the discussions with Palestinian Prime Minister Mustafa on the state of play. The Palestine Donor Group today raised €900 million. The EU is the most credible supporter for the Palestinian people. We are the largest donor and the strongest backer of the two-state solution.
And this leads me to the West Bank. All the 27 Member States agree that Israeli settlements are illegal under international law. Currently, the EU applies so-called differentiation policy, under which products from the settlements are identified. However, this policy has not done much to limit trade with settlements because implementation is inconsistent. Following a request of the European Council in June, the Commission presented options to further restrict trade with illegal Israeli settlements. These include a full or partial ban on imports of settlement products, stricter export licensing requirements, and the possible use of tariffs.
These are not options against Israel. These are options against the illegal settlements that undermined the two-state solution. Taking action against the trade with settlements got the most support from the Member States. We tasked the ambassadors to take this work forward - and probably will also have an extraordinary meeting on this.
Then, ministers also touched upon EU-UN relations and agreed our priorities ahead of the September's General Assembly. As the UN enters into a period of leadership changes, the choices we make will shape the organization for years. We want to maximize EU influence in the international fora.
On Bosnia and Herzegovina, I briefed the ministers on my trip and also on the developments regarding the appointment of the new High Representative. We are determined to have a European candidate who can help move the country closer to the EU, and ultimately, the success of the High Representative will be measured by the day when it is no longer needed,
And finally, Sudan. The humanitarian situation is rapidly deteriorating. Atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces against civilians in El Fasher must not be repeated in El Obeid. Today, the EU is expanding its sanctions by banning imports of gold and restricting mining chemicals. This will help cut off key funding sources for the conflict. I will also travel to Ethiopia to discuss the crisis with regional partners.
So, as you can see, we covered many issues, and that is why the meeting was so long. But I will stop here and take your questions.
Link to the video: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/media/video/I-292532
Q&A
Q. It is on the settlement measures. You said that taking action got the most support. I was wondering if there was a simple majority to ask for a concrete proposal to the Commission or we are not there yet? And on the doorsteps, several ministers were very angry with the possibility of using unanimity instead of the QMV as the legal assessment of the Council. Was discussed in the meeting and where are we exactly at this?
The preparation for the meeting was that Ministers were to express clear thoughts, how they see the work forward. And that is why we saw that this is of the options, the option that got the most support. So, we tasked the COREPER ambassadors to take this work forward, and also ministers agreed that, we can also reconvene in extraordinary meeting - if necessary. When it comes to legal opinion, the European Council has a legal opinion that trade issues are QMV decisions. But it is always with anything You can always find different lawyers who come up with different ideas - two lawyers, three opinions.
Q. My question is on the 21st sanctions package. There was hope that today the Foreign Ministers would basically cut a deal, which was not possible in previous meetings of the ambassadors. Where are we exactly now? We all know that time is running out, especially for the oil price cap adjusting mechanism. And in a more generous sense, it seems that this time Member States have dismantled the package initially proposed by the Commission for various reasons. Are you concerned about this? Is there a tendency that now basically every Member State puts its economic interests ahead of the general interest?
Yes, I also regret that we do not have an agreement on the 21st package. Although, I must say that we are quite close. But focusing on the positive, we had 250 listings, which are also very important under different regimes. ll focusing on putting more pressure on Russia. Of course, Member States have various reasons. This war has been going on for four years and more, and of course it has an effect on all. But the best effect on our economy, in all the Member States, would be if this war would end. And that is why we would have to make the necessary efforts in the short term, that we would not have this war. Today, we also had these intense discussions, and the call was to really focus on ending this war that we are trying to do, with putting more pressure on Russia.
Q. I just wanted to clarify. You said taking action against trade with settlements got the most support. What does taking action mean exactly here? Does it mean a partial ban in the trading goods, a full ban in the trading goods? I just wanted to clarify what you actually meant when you said it got the most support, and does it mean that the other proposal on the table, which I understand were maybe stronger labels - more differentiation of what existed already - isn't the preferred option at all here?
The option that got the most support was banning the trade with the legal settlement.
Q. I will follow-up on Thomas' questions on the 21st package because we have seen that fish has been eliminated from the package, the visa ban will not be a visa ban for former combatants soldiers, it will be something much softer. So, until a couple of months ago, Orbán was the main obstacle to be tough on Russia, and today we discovered that Orbán was not the only problem. Do you think that you should and the Member States should go to a real economic war with Russia to bring peace in Ukraine? Or would you accept simply the fact that Member States are ready to dismantle new packages, the 22, alumina case, and so on and so on?
First on fish. I must say that before I was in this job, I did not know that fish are so geopolitical. Like fish are really, really something that are hindering all important geopolitical processes. But yes, there are different things put forward by different Member States that have to be removed from the from the package. Of course, it is always good [that] the proposals are as strong as possible, so we always know that some things are taken out. So eventually, we still have a strong package. When it comes to ex-combatants, the work will continue on this, because clearly this is a risk to our own security and we should not let these people come to Europe. In Ukraine, we have programmes where we help with the veterans - psychological support, also the support that they are reintegrated into the society. Russia does not have anything like this. These are dangerous, dangerous people. We have to see and work on how we really live in post-war area because these people are presenting a risk. But, like I said, this is the first step, and we are definitely working with that for more. Then, overall, we have put so many packages, and of course, in some countries, maybe the political consensus is somewhere else, and we see also elections coming. But again, I want to stress that, for our economy, whether it is a Member State from the east, west, or south or north, it is best when this war ends to all of us. So, we need to increase the pressure still to stop it and help Ukraine at the same time, so that really Russia would see that they come to the negotiation table. We have this opportunity window right now, considering that Ukraine is in a stronger position than they have been, and Russia is in a weaker position than they have been before. And we need to really take this short-term pain for a long-term gain.
Q. On the settlers' sanctions, it seems the Commission has a clear preference for unanimity and on sanctions. So, my question is: as you have two hats, how will you solve this conflict that seems to exist between you and the Commission President, who is not of the opinion that it is a trade issue? The Commission - or the College - is also a collegial body, where we have representatives from all the Member States. In the Commission, the Member States' views are equally reflected, like we see them in the Council. So, this is unfortunately where we are as Europe. We need to have a unified position, and so far, we have not been able to have that unified position. There is a legal opinion that we can do this also with the qualified majority - the Council’s legal service has said that - and if there is a will, then we can move forward. I think that’s your answer.
Q. So it is to come back to the 21st sanctions package conversation this morning. Several ministers were saying that they aim to have it through by Wednesday at the latest. But now we are hearing that some issues are being taken out maybe. So, what I am wondering is two things: First of all, how many of those issues, which issues, are still in discussion for Wednesday? And given that Wednesday is mentioned because that is when the oil price cap is set to expire, what guarantees can you offer, if any, that this will not happen? That there will still be something in place?
I cannot offer you any guarantees. Wednesday we have again a meeting of our Ambassadors, and the work is going on. I cannot also say what is taken out and what is left behind because until everything is agreed, nothing is agreed. So, I cannot really put anything forward. What is my wish is that this package is strong because the continued attacks on civilians are really targeting the most populated areas. And that is why the ministers were also very angry at the decision of the International Olympic Committee, because it really looks like they are targeting the civilians. And so here is your prize. It is really not right.
Q. Just following up on oil price cap. Given that if the decision is not reached by Wednesday, it is effectively dead. Is there an option to take it out of the sanctions package and approve it separately? Is there a progress in agreement, specifically on oil price cap?
Again, I cannot single out any element of this sanctions package. Our aim is to have an agreement. If we don't have an agreement, then we start to work on Plan B. But right now, we work on Plan A for Wednesday.
Link to the video: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/media/video/I-292532