Statement by High Representative/Vice-President Kaja Kallas to the European Parliament for the Joint Debate on Russia’s hybrid attacks against Member States: strengthening the EU’s coordinated response and protecting European security and democracy

Mr [Vice]-President,

Honourable Members, 

Let me start by thanking rapporteur Rasa Juknevičienė for her timely report on Russia’s hybrid warfare in Europe. It captures well the situation we face and more importantly the urgency to act. 

Since Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, there has been a steady increase in hybrid attacks against Europe. 

We have seen Russia’s dangerous recklessness on full display in the past 48 hours:

• A Russian warship fired flares at a Danish helicopter;
• NATO jets had to shoot down a drone over Lithuania;
• Russia struck a passenger train near the border with Ukraine;
• And Poland pulled a drone from its waters.

We need to be clear-eyed: these are not accidents. They are calculated attempts by Russia to weaken our resolve, test our unity and play with fears of escalation.

Europe will not dial back its support for Ukraine. As Russia escalates, we stand firm in supporting Ukraine and adding more pressure on Russia.

Russia adapts itself depending on the country it is targeting. In some, for example, it muddies the information space, exploits societal divisions and interferes in elections. Elsewhere, attacks are physical, targeting military infrastructure, public transport, and critical infrastructure.

Because of this, our combined intelligence should cover the entire Russian hybrid toolbox. That is why, as the report underlines, intelligence sharing is vital. I can only encourage Member States to do more and make the best use of our Intelligence and Situation Centre – IntCen – to do so.

Despite international efforts to end the war, Putin chooses instead to intensify his war of aggression against Ukraine and hostilities against Europe. 

And one thing is very clear: Putin will not stop unless he is stopped. So as Russia is willing to take greater risks, Europe must impose a greater cost. 

Five examples of how we do this.

One, we keep calling out Russia’s attacks. Russia has always used ambiguity as a weapon. If we attribute the attacks, Russia cannot hide and our citizens can see the patterns and understand the playbook too.

For this reason, Germany’s investigation, attribution and clear public communication following the Leipzig attack was important. In July, we collectively exposed the FSB for cyber aggression in Europe. We must do this work systematically.

Second, as the report also calls for, we sanction the instigators. Most recently we sanctioned 9 individuals and 4 entities. 

Third, we cut Russia’s funding off at the root.

EU sanctions have already deprived the Russian economy of one trillion euro. We are now finalising the largest number of listings yet.  

We are also steadily dismantling the shadow fleet. EU naval operations are taking the lead in boarding suspected vessels. 

Thanks to our diplomatic work across the globe of our EU delegations around the world, fewer countries are allowing these vessels to sail under their flags. Hundreds of ships have been de-flagged as a result of our efforts.

[Fourth], we have already:

• Cut Russia’s diplomatic presence in the EU;
• Put in place new requirements for intra-Schengen travel;
• And capped the Russian mission to the EU at 40 staff.

Member States are doing this as well: most recently Hungary has expelled 10 Russian diplomats. 

There is still potential to do more.

• We can tighten control further over the movement of Russian diplomats within Schengen;
• We can ban issuing visas for Russia’s ex-combatants; 
• And we should review the issuance of tourist visas for Russian citizens.

We must reduce the pool of people conducting attacks on European soil.

Fifth, we protect our information space. This means:

• Faster detection of FIMI, including with the use of AI-powered tools;
• Training staff in our Delegations;
• Mapping Russia’s scam networks for recruitments and helping partners to dismantle them;
• And raising the impact of our countermeasures, including sanctions, law enforcement and takedowns.

Honourable Members, 

Europe is much stronger than it was. Our societies are better prepared – more aware, more vigilant and more resilient. And our strategic partnership with NATO now means day-to-day work together. 

But the threat of Russian hybrid attacks across Europe is only growing. 

Putin is a textbook bully. Moscow’s hybrid attacks are designed to intimidate us, paralyse our societies and make us hesitate to act. That is precisely what Putin wants. We should not let fear dictate our choices. We should match the level of these attacks with concrete action and a confident response. Europe’s security requires it and citizens expect it.

Thank you.

Closing remarks

Thank you for this valuable debate. 

What I want to say is that EU has significantly stepped up the response in recent years. 

Just consider where we are coming from, including new hybrid sanctions regimes since 2024, and it is targeting those who undermine our democracies, those who sabotage or threaten critical infrastructure and public services, those who carry out FIMI operations and malicious cyber activities, and also those who instrumentalize migration, because everything is weaponized nowadays.

We are also building an international coalition when it comes to protection of the seabed infrastructure because we see that these kind of threats and sabotage acts are more likely. 

And the question we need to ask ourselves is whether we are acting at necessary speed and scale. Many of you mentioned this. We are doing the right things. We are not doing them fast enough, and we are not realizing fast enough. 

What we must do, and what we are doing:

• Continue reinforcing Europe's resilience by protecting critical infrastructure;
• securing our democratic processes;
• also strengthening cyber defence.

All the things that are being attacked-we need to build our resilience.

And of course, we need to also increase our capacity to detect and counter foreign information manipulation and interference because it's also a battle of narratives. We also need to be more assertive. On FIMI, for example, we are increasing the speed and scale and impact of our response. 

What we also need to see is that hybrid attacks cannot remain in a grey zone without consequences. And that's why it's very important that we combine resilience with attribution, sanctions, action against hostile networks operating on our soil, and of course all of this in close cooperation with the member states, with NATO, and like-minded partners, and also those partners that are more likely exposed.

And we need to keep supporting our neighbourhood when we are asked to do so. What we saw in Moldova last year, Russia's meddling with elections can be beaten. Also, Armenia. 

We need to keep communicating also to our citizens about the benefits of EU membership and also what the citizens stand to gain, because very often we are talking about enlargement only in aspects of what these countries are receiving when they join. But it's actually our side that is also benefiting.

And finally, I want to say to those who were referring to peace. Let me be very clear. Nobody wants peace more than Ukrainians, and they have agreed to multiple ceasefires, for a very, very long time. 

But we also need to be clear-eyed. Russia is not agreeing to these things. The opposite. They are escalating with the attacks on civilians in Ukraine, but also the attacks on our territories. So we need to be very, very clear-eyed about these things. 

And I also don't agree with those who say that why don't you just give up the territory and there would be peace? I mean, it's never about territories. It's always about the people who are suffering also on these territories. If aggression pays off, then we will see more of it. 

Thank you.