Thank you very much, dear Secretary-General, dear Stefano,

Ambassadors,

Dear Heads of Representation,

Heads of Mission,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is indeed a pleasure to finally be with you again in person. This year, I was able to travel to some of your countries. I have had the opportunity to witness firsthand the excellent work you are doing on the ground. You are the ones who are bringing Europe to the world, and I really want to thank you for that work. Because it is so necessary and you are doing such an excellent work in these very difficult times.

Some of the visits we have organised together will be etched in my memory forever. One of them was my very first trip to Ukraine in April. I am sure that Matti will very much remember that. When we arrived in Bucha, Russian soldiers had just left. We saw body bags lined up. We saw mass graves right next to a church. It is a horror and these are pictures I will never forget. But when I went back to Kyiv this year, in June and in September, I saw a country that is eager to take back its life and its normal routine. So roads and bridges have been repaired. Shops were open again. We saw people in the streets. This tells me one thing: Even if Russian missiles are now falling again on Ukrainian cities, they will not break the Ukrainians' spirit, this is for sure. Look at what happened on Monday morning in the metro stations in Kyiv, you might have read it. Thousands of people took shelter underground – and they started to sing. Songs of hope, songs of pride, songs that tell the Russians: We are not afraid. And we, the European Union, must keep supporting Ukraine through thick and thin, for as long as it takes. Just like we have done since February. Our response to the invasion has surprised not only Putin but I think the whole world. We put together the first sanctions in a matter of days. Then the first package of sanctions was followed by eight consecutive sanctions packages to leave no stone unturned. The latest package in response to the sham referenda in the occupied Ukrainian territories. We have supported Ukraine with funds summing up to EUR 19 billion since the beginning of the war – and it does not include what the European Peace Facility is giving, the equipment with military capabilities and weapons. We have given full support and immediate temporary protection to the Ukrainian refugees that were coming to the European Union. I think over 8.1 million refugees came to the European Union. Round about 5 million have gone back to Ukraine – that is a good sign, too. But it is amazing to see how fast we were in welcoming them. People opened their hearts and their homes. We immediately gave them the temporary protection, which was access to the labour market, access to schools, access to healthcare, for example. We have enabled the solidarity lanes so that Ukrainian farmers can keep feeding the world. 60% of Ukrainian grain leaves the country via our European solidarity lanes. We are restoring schools and coleading the reconstruction effort. And we have granted – enthusiastically – candidate status to Ukraine, I think we all can take pride in this work. It basically shows how much we can achieve with unity and with determination. And we must stay the course, especially now, as the war enters a new phase.

The illegal annexation of four Ukrainian regions by Russia brings the challenge against the international system to a completely new level. Putin has taken sovereign Ukrainian land with an unprovoked act of aggression. He has forced people to vote at gunpoint. And he has even threatened to use nuclear weapons if Ukrainians reclaim the land that belongs to them. This is worrying not only for Russia's neighbours. This is an attack against the entire UN Charter. Putin even asked, in his speech on annexation: ‘Who did ever agree on a rules-based global order?' Well, the Russians certainly did. They did when they signed the UN Charter, just like all other nations of the world, and when they negotiated the Helsinki Final Act. The rules-based global order belongs to the world. It is the best antidote against perpetual instability in all continents. And all nations in the world see this. Interestingly, even some of Russia's closest allies are questioning Putin's war of choice and refusing to recognise the sham referenda. The Samarkand Summit, where China and India have clearly voiced concerns about the war, was a fiasco for Russia.

But there is no room for complacency about this. Russia's failure alone will not save the rules-based global order. Because the Kremlin's revisionism is not the only nor the most serious threat to the rules-based order. The so-called no-limits partnership declared by Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping is also a clear challenge to the post-war order, built on the core values of the UN Charter. Of course, we are observing carefully the aftermath of the 20th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party to see any changes to China's international posture. Independent of this, we need to counter this global challenge, we must rebuild trust in our global goals and our global rules, and the universal values at their heart. And we all know that this is not an easy task. I was at the United Nations last month, and I have listened to the concerns of countries from all over the world – just like you do it every single day in your work. Many countries feel that the global economy and the international system do not work for them. Some have even fallen for Russia's propaganda that is trying to deflect blame for the causes of the energy and food crises. Therefore, all of us in this room must speak up and stand up for the truth. I know that you are tirelessly doing this every single day. I know this is tough. I know this is hard work. I know that you are exhausted sometimes and you might think: ‘But I have said that over and over again.' But I just want to thank you for that, because this is the essence of your work and this is the essence of the trust in the European Union, that is built abroad.

I believe Europe must always speak up for the values we believe in, and support everyone who is fighting for these values. For instance, the brave Iranian women who demand freedom and equality. A young woman was killed by the so-called morality police. Thousands of peaceful protesters are being beaten and detained – men and women, lawyers and journalists, activists and ordinary citizens. This is a cry for equality, it is a cry for women's rights. And our message must be crystal-clear: We must call for the violence to stop. Women must have a chance to choose. And we must hold accountable those who are responsible for the repression of women. So I believe now is the time to sanction these people who are responsible. The shocking violence inflicted on the Iranian people cannot stay unanswered. And we have to work on sanctions together. But there is more.

In these times of transformation and turmoil, Europe must engage even more on the global stage. We must consolidate our capacity to protect our values. We must reach out to all countries, from like-minded democracies to others who may share some of our interests on specific issues. So today, I would like to draw some lessons on how we can engage with different partners. First of all, with like-minded democracies. Second, with future members of our Union. Third, with our wider neighbourhood. And finally, with countries all across the world, as means to promote our interests and to advance our values on the global stage.

Let me begin with the like-minded partners. Never before have I experienced such an intense cooperation with the White House as I did this year. It is a cooperation we have built since the start of President Biden's mandate, when we managed to find a solution to long-standing issues, you know them all, such as the steel tariffs, the Airbus-Boeing dispute and securing data flows. And our cooperation got even stronger in the run-up to Russia's invasion. I was in Washington in November, as tensions started to rise at our Eastern borders, you recall Belarus. We saw the growing threat and we confirmed our support to Ukraine's independence and territorial integrity. So we prepared the sanctions already very early this year with the White House. And when Ukraine was invaded by Russia, we were ready to act. We coordinated our sanctions, round after round. We stepped up our energy coordination and energy supplies on both sides. It helped enormously that I had the agreement with President Biden on the LNG and they really stepped up in delivering LNG toward the European Union. And this made it possible for us to diversify away from Russian fossil fuels. And now, the transatlantic bond is stronger than ever at a crucial time for Europe. This is not only about our friends in the United States but about all our like-minded partners. This core of like-minded democracies share our values and our outlook on the world. They are our most natural partners, on all the most pressing issues of our times.

Let me mention three of these issues. First, on energy. As you all witnessed, Russia keeps using its fossil fuels as a weapon against us. And like-minded partners like the United States and for example Norway have massively stepped up and helped us break free from our very dangerous dependency. Let me give you two figures: At the beginning of the war, if you look at the imported pipeline gas, 41% was imported from Russia. We are now down to 7.5% – in only eight months. This is a huge move. This is an enormous decrease, a necessary decrease. We would have never been able to do that if it would not have been for our close friends and partners, like for example Norway and like the United States, with LNG coming in.

Now we have to work even more closely with exactly those partners to calm down the price of gas imports. Because we all see that overall – because of the Russian behaviour cutting gas supplies to the European Union – energy is scarce in the world. The market is really tight. The prices are skyrocketing. Therefore, we have started talks with Norway. We want to find deals that can be beneficial for both sides. Our partners have an interest to secure long-term contracts, of course with us, the largest market on Earth, and at the same time to invest in renewables. The Norwegians say: If we lower prices, less revenue will go to the wealth fund, which is for the next generation. So you take something away from the next generation. Let us look together into the topic of renewables. And we have of course an interest to curb the crazy peaks in energy prices, while also transforming towards renewables. There is a lot of common ground. Second example: the international investment. The United States and other partners share our value-based approach to infrastructure investment. We have the same goals: for instance, to speed up the transition to clean energy, or to strengthen healthcare in developing countries. So why do we not team up with them on joint projects and complementary investment? This is exactly what we are planning together with the Unite States. President Biden and I are convening a Leaders' Summit to really push forward a value-based investment agenda for the world. I will come back to that later – that is Global Gateway. But I just want to mention the third example that shows how important these moves with our best friends are: That is raw materials. Take lithium or take rare earth metals, they are vital for our green and digital transition. No wind turbine, no solar panel without these raw materials. The demand for them will exponentially increase. That is for sure. First of all, that is good news because it shows that the green transition is progressing. That is good. The not so good news is: one country dominates the whole global market. That is China. In addition, these resources should always be extracted in a responsible way, that should be our goal, both for the environment and for local communities. So part of the solution is to step up our cooperation with like-minded partners like Canada, like Chile or like Australia. Together we can both secure the resources we need and promote a value-based approach to the extraction of raw materials. We must mobilise our collective power to shape global goods and the world of tomorrow.

My second point is about future members of our Union. A year ago, I visited the Western Balkans. It was so obvious that our opponents look at the Western Balkans as a geopolitical chessboard. Their goal is to drive a wedge between the Western Balkans and the rest of Europe. And yet – and that is heart-warming –, the overwhelming majority of citizens in the Western Balkans aspires to be part of the European Union. That is why we must strengthen the credibility of our accession process. This year, the opening of the accession process and the negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia was a true milestone – finally. And it was tough to get there – to say the least –, but we are there now, that is important. We must make sure that every positive step that a country takes brings it really closer to the European Union. And in parallel, we must push the integration of our economies even further. One year ago, I walked on an EU-funded bridge connecting Croatia with Bosnia and Herzegovina. I saw railway projects, I saw schools, I saw hospitals and kindergartens that were financed all across the region by the European Union. This kind of engagement is even more relevant today, as the fallout of Putin's energy war is also hitting the region. Two weeks ago, I was in Sofia for the inauguration of a new gas interconnector with Greece. It will serve not only Bulgaria but also North Macedonia and Serbia. As the Western Balkans are asking for our support ahead of a difficult winter, this is exactly the way to go – contrast foreign influence in Europe through more cooperation and a stronger European perspective. Ukraine and Moldova are now candidates to joining our Union. And today, we have proposed to grant candidate status to Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the College decision. We have recognised Georgia's European perspective, too. The wind of change is once again blowing through Europe and we have to capture this momentum. We have to push for this momentum. The Western Balkans belong in our family and we have to make this very, very clear. It is a bit like in the 1970s, when Spain, Portugal and Greece chose democracy. Or when freedom fighters tore down the Berlin Wall. I vividly remember that. Of course, it is up to the candidate countries to reform their economies and their institutions, and to advance towards our Union. But it is our responsibility to support them in every possible way. I think that is Europe's moment. And it is up to us to seize that moment.

Dear Ambassadors,

Our neighbours face the same challenges we face. Russian aggression, energy insecurity, climate change and the threats to our open societies. There is an urgent need to work with all of them, including those who do not seek to join our Union. This is the third angle I want to look at, how we can engage with different partners. This is actually what led to the first meeting of the European Political Community in Prague last week. 44 countries have come together with a common agenda. When it comes to European security, to the green and digital transitions, to defending our democratic way of life, we all share a common sense of purpose. And I was glad, I must say, that our British friends also decided to join. That is good.

There is a lot of work to do together. Take our trilateral energy deal, for example, that we closed in June with Egypt and Israel. It has played an important role in our strategy to get rid of the Russian fossil fuels. But my visits in Cairo and Jerusalem were about much more than gas. Because our goal remains the transition away from fossil fuels. And the Mediterranean countries hold an immense potential for renewable energy. For example, we have launched a new hydrogen partnership that looks very promising for both Europe and Egypt. And at the same time, we are working in the same direction with other northern African countries, too. Because we know we need the energy; we need renewable energy; we need the hydrogen. And those northern African countries have all the resources that are necessary in abundance. So all of a sudden, this energy crisis that we see at the moment being, causes a huge tectonic shift in the region, because we are diversifying away from Russia. And just let me give you one figure: Before the war, the European Union was 75% of the global demand of pipeline gas. So this huge demand is moving away from Russia and turning towards the global south, not only looking for fossil fuels right now, as we need them immediately, but mainly looking at a future that is made with renewable energy, that is clean and where they have – on the other side of the Mediterranean – the resources in abundance. So Europe can promote and accompany their transition from a fossil fuel economy for all of us towards a net-zero future. This is Europe's offer to third countries, starting with our neighbours. It is based on our European interests and on our values. And it is designed to deliver long-lasting benefits to the countries that choose to do business with us.

Of course, as I have said, it is not only about energy. In Cairo, I also announced that we will invest EUR 3 billion to improve food systems in the region. Millions of people in the Middle East and North Africa are now facing the consequences of Putin's war on Ukrainian crops. It is to address this crisis that we created the so-called solidarity lanes for Ukrainian exports. Over 10 million tonnes of Ukrainian grain, oilseeds and other products have already been exported via our solidarity lanes. Today, over 60% of Ukraine's food exports rely on these lanes, and 30% of Ukraine's grain exports are going immediately to low- and middle-income countries in Africa, in the Middle-East and in Asia. So I think that it is very important that we set the record straight: It is Putin who created with his war the food crisis. And it is Europe that is working to end it. And that is the story that we have to tell all together.

The Middle East and North Africa also face of course a long-term food security issue. You know that local agriculture needs to adapt to the changing climate, a modern technology offers a great number of solutions: from precision irrigation to vertical farming, to new crops adapted to climate change. But they have to be brought to the region. So Europe can contribute with both investment and, of course, world-class expertise. That is the reason why we have set aside EUR 7.7 billion only until 2024, so that is a lot of money for a short time, for the food security topic. Countries all across our region have an urgent need to transform their economies for the challenges of a new era. And our Union's greatest strength has always been its transformative power – our capacity to promote economic and social progress through cooperation.

It is in this spirit that we must also step up our engagement in Central Asia. The region is a gateway between Europe, Russia and China. And it is going through an era of turbulent transformation. Some countries are pushing for reforms that seemed unthinkable just a few months ago. And they deserve all our political and economic support. So this is the time to enhance our economic engagement in Central Asia and provide alternatives to the region to be connected to the global economy. I want Europe to be a partner for change in Central Asia. Because the global geopolitics are also changing. You know that tectonic plates are shifting. And in times like these, we must be ready to sail uncharted waters. We must engage beyond our immediate neighbourhood and the circle of our traditional allies. I think only if we do this can we contribute to shaping the future of fast-changing regions and make a positive difference in the lives of millions of people.

This leads me to my fourth and final point on Europe's global engagement. At the beginning of this year, I had the opportunity to visit Senegal and meet a group of young entrepreneurs. They told me about all the obstacles they face, but it was amazing to see how much energy, how much talent these young people in Africa and Senegal had and showed. And then I visited the national project for vaccine manufacturing, which we are financing through our Global Gateway investment programme. A place where Africa's pharmaceutical independence is taking shape, with Europe's support. It is mRNA vaccines being produced in Africa for Africa. So it is just the step we have to take. It has been one year since we launched our Global Gateway investment programme. And since then, the demand for a strong and value-based infrastructure investment programme has only grown stronger. First, COVID-19 has highlighted the urgency of investing in resilient health systems, but also, for example, in the digital infrastructure. Second, more and more countries are dealing with the rise in energy and food prices. And third, a ‘Belt and Road' debt crisis is now in full swing. Tens of countries are massively indebted with China. Eight of these countries – from Angola to Laos – will spend in 2022 more than 2% of their gross national income to pay their debt to China.

Our Global Gateway investment programme is about giving countries a better choice, to give them an alternative. It is investments that will be sustainable, not only for our partners' finances – that is important, yes – but also for the environment and, of course, for the local communities. They have to benefit from that. I mentioned our investment in vaccine manufacturing in Africa that we are also now extending to Latin America. There is so much to do. For instance, we are financing new energy and transport corridors in Africa. We will invest in clean power generation, in the electrification of rural areas, in the connection between landlocked regions and the big cities on the coast. Or take the Asia-Pacific, where the footprint of Chinese investment is massive, of course. A good example is our new Just Transition Partnership with Vietnam, which aims to accelerate the transition from coal to the renewables. That is a huge leap forward, and we are supporting that. And we are supporting the Pacific state of Kiribati to build a new harbour that will bring new opportunities to one of the islands while respecting the fragile environment. So Global Gateway is the opportunity to end unhealthy dependencies and to invest in partnerships of equals instead. That is our offer to the world, EUR 300 billion of possible investment. But we need the good projects, we need the mature projects. And that is where we need you. You are the ones who know the regions. You are the ones who know the partners. We need your advice, we need your knowledge, and I know that I can rely on that.

This is where your role as Ambassadors is so crucial. You are basically our ears on the ground. Europe needs you, we need your knowledge, we need your expertise, we need your connections to the regions – I mean, you know it all in the regions. Europe needs you to identify ideas and projects for Global Gateway that can make a real difference in our partner countries. And you are in the unique position to bring together our Member States – that are part of Global Gateway – to focus on common strategies and on common priorities. We all know that it is so important to be present in the regions where you are the Ambassadors, so that we show that one European voice is speaking to our partners. Therefore, bringing together the Member States, bringing together the European level, I very much rely on you because you are the ones who can make it happen. We all know that we must do more together. More than ever before, our fate, so Europe's fate depends on our global outreach. The war in Ukraine will be decided first and foremost by Ukraine's brave fighters in Kherson, in Kharkiv and all along the frontline – we know that –, but it will also be decided by our global response to Russia's aggression. So we need all continents to rise up in defence of the rules-based order. Because the rules-based order belongs to all nations in the world. The war in Ukraine is not only a European war, it is a war for the future of the entire world. So Europe's horizon can only be the entire world. And I truly count on you to keep up the excellent work you are doing, and to bring our voice and our values to all corners of the world. Let me wish you a very good Conference. Many thanks for listening to me.  

And in this sense: Long live Europe.